The Monroe Doctrine Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America
The Monroe Doctrine Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America
- ISBN 13:
9780809069996
- ISBN 10:
0809069997
- Format: Paperback
- Copyright: 02/28/2012
- Publisher: Hill and Wang
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Summary
Author Biography
Read moreTable of Contents
Read moreIn its first four decades, the United States transformed itself from a weak collection of former colonies to an increasingly united and expansive republic. It secured the lands east of the Mississippi and laid claim to portions of the faraway Pacific Coast. What had been uncertain in 1783—union at home and independence from an increasingly powerful British Empire—was closer to achievement in 1823, though still not an established fact. The success of the United States on these counts owed partly to shrewd statecraft, but more to the hospitable circumstances in which it was born. The European turmoil of this period provided many opportunities for American statesmen and provided enough threats to bind the union together, but none so great as to destroy it or even prevent the consolidation and extension of its domain.As the second generation of American statesmen assumed leadership in the years after 1815, they looked to the future with great confidence. “The truth is that the American union, while united,” John Quincy Adams wrote to his father in 1816 (with a revealing qualification), “may be certain of success in every rightful cause, and may if it pleases never have any but a rightful cause to maintain.”42 The great exception to such optimistic predictions, of course, was the intensifying debate over slavery evidenced in the Missouri crisis, the “title page to a great tragic volume,” as Adams portentously called it.43 Yet even here, the glass could be seen as half full. The successful compromise to the crisis served as evidence of the strength of the bonds of union. If compromise had been achieved over Missouri, there were grounds for hope that future statesmen, cut from the centrist political cloth of Henry Clay and James Monroe, could continue to resolve sectional disputes. These conflicting impulses—the persistent danger of internal divisions and the potential power of nationalism—were on the minds of members of the Monroe cabinet when they convened in November 1823 to formulate a response to yet another crisis arising from the dissolution of the Spanish Empire.Copyright © 2011 by Jay Sexton
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Excerpts
Read moreIn its first four decades, the United States transformed itself from a weak collection of former colonies to an increasingly united and expansive republic. It secured the lands east of the Mississippi and laid claim to portions of the faraway Pacific Coast. What had been uncertain in 1783—union at home and independence from an increasingly powerful British Empire—was closer to achievement in 1823, though still not an established fact. The success of the United States on these counts owed partly to shrewd statecraft, but more to the hospitable circumstances in which it was born. The European turmoil of this period provided many opportunities for American statesmen and provided enough threats to bind the union together, but none so great as to destroy it or even prevent the consolidation and extension of its domain.As the second generation of American statesmen assumed leadership in the years after 1815, they looked to the future with great confidence. “The truth is that the American union, while united,” John Quincy Adams wrote to his father in 1816 (with a revealing qualification), “may be certain of success in every rightful cause, and may if it pleases never have any but a rightful cause to maintain.”42 The great exception to such optimistic predictions, of course, was the intensifying debate over slavery evidenced in the Missouri crisis, the “title page to a great tragic volume,” as Adams portentously called it.43 Yet even here, the glass could be seen as half full. The successful compromise to the crisis served as evidence of the strength of the bonds of union. If compromise had been achieved over Missouri, there were grounds for hope that future statesmen, cut from the centrist political cloth of Henry Clay and James Monroe, could continue to resolve sectional disputes. These conflicting impulses—the persistent danger of internal divisions and the potential power of nationalism—were on the minds of members of the Monroe cabinet when they convened in November 1823 to formulate a response to yet another crisis arising from the dissolution of the Spanish Empire.Copyright © 2011 by Jay Sexton